The Right Way to Intervene in Clean Tech
As Western governments face the increasingly urgent task of accelerating the
transition to a low-carbon economy, the pendulum has swung away from a heavy
reliance on markets to drive innovation toward state intervention.
Fearing China’s dominance in clean-tech supply chains, and recognizing
the potential for job creation, the United States has put in place a wide range
of industrial policies that support the development and deployment of green
solutions.
For example, the US Inflation Reduction Act openly
encourages reshoring by offering generous government support for firms building
green-manufacturing capacity in the country.
Following suit, the
European Union’s Net-Zero Industry Act introduces
a domestic clean-tech manufacturing target, marking a paradigm shift in
Europe’s approach to economic governance.
But striking the right
balance between the public and private sectors will be crucial to managing the
clean-energy transition in an efficient and timely manner and avoiding any
backlash against climate goals.
Energy markets, in their
current form, have clearly failed to accelerate the deployment of green
technologies with sufficient scale and speed.
In the absence of reforms
or supplemental policies, they will continue to promote the cheapest power
available, which until recently meant fossil fuels in most places.
Given this, it is not
surprising that governments are revisiting industrial policy – which has proven
successful in the past – to spur investment in clean technologies.
Moreover, the massive
amount of new infrastructure required for clean-energy generation, storage, and
distribution may compel the state to implement better permitting processes and
to take a more proactive planning role.
But government intervention
in the clean-energy transition also carries risks. Picking winners in green
technologies or projects may lead to investment decisions that are costly or
economically ineffective – outcomes that partly drove the pro-market
energy-sector reforms of recent decades.
Moreover, the risk of state
capture – a serious problem with fossil-fuel industries – also exists in the
renewables domain. Pervasive lobbying efforts, coupled with a lack of accountability
and transparency, could result in suboptimal resource allocation.
Through green industrial
policies, governments essentially create rent-seeking opportunities, which tend
to be more pronounced in systems with low institutional quality (as indicated
by government effectiveness, legal security, bureaucratic quality, corruption,
the regulatory environment, and other related measures).
The specter of
“nationalist” climate bills fragmenting global clean-tech supply chains also
looms. It was the spontaneous and uncoordinated international division of labor between
the United States (innovation), Europe (subsidies and grants for installation),
and China (manufacturing efficiencies through economies of scale) that rapidly
drove down the price of solar panels and led to their global deployment. Forceful reshoring may therefore slow the
pace of the energy transition worldwide.
Striking the right balance
between public intervention and reliance on market forces is crucial to move
forward. To ensure that state and market are partners in developing and
deploying green solutions, policymakers must take three steps.
For starters, governments
should focus on boosting breakthrough innovations for decarbonization. That
means providing public funding for fundamental research and creating stronger
incentives for firm-level innovation through carbon pricing, tax credits, and
environmental regulations.
The state should also
support the piloting, demonstration, and early deployment of emerging clean
technologies to demonstrate technical performance and reduce costs to the point
of competitiveness with fossil fuels.
Second, the state has an
important role to play in nudging and steering large-scale private investment
in green solutions through a range of policy interventions, including
clean-energy standards, technology-specific tax incentives, government-directed
procurement, and carbon pricing.
At the same time, public
support is crucial for lowering the cost of capital for clean-energy projects,
ensuring their social acceptance, and providing the so-called “enabling investments”
that are a prerequisite for private-sector participation.
Direct public involvement
in the development, ownership, or operation of mature technologies such as
electricity transmission could also be appropriate in some cases to speed up
development and drive down costs.
Finally, governments design
markets, as well as their underlying institutional framework, which means that
the state must plan energy systems in such a way that they help create the
conditions needed to achieve climate goals.
Ambitious and reliable
pathways to net-zero emissions should be combined with flexible energy-market
regulations aimed at establishing effective incentives to mobilize private
capital and to deploy clean-energy technologies at scale.
The transition from
unabated fossil fuels to zero-carbon energy amounts to an industrial revolution,
albeit with the pressure of a firm deadline.
Not only is time running
out, but policy decisions will need to be taken against a backdrop of volatile
global energy markets, lingering public concerns about certain green
technologies, and intensifying geopolitical tensions, most notably between
China and the West.
Given these uncertainties,
policymakers must be willing to take risks in creating incentives for
clean-tech innovation, in promoting investment in the development and
deployment of these technologies, and in designing energy markets.
But they should also
remember that the state and market need to be partners, and the green
transition will inevitably – and increasingly – create complex trade-offs that
must be navigated carefully; otherwise, the clean-energy future will remain out
of reach.
This
commentary is also signed by Bruce Phillips, Senior Adviser at the NorthBridge
Group.
Armond Cohen is Executive Director of the Clean Air Task Force. Andreas
Goldthau is Director of the School of Public Policy at the University of
Erfurt. Simone Tagliapietra is a senior fellow at Bruegel.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2023.
www.project-syndciate.org
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